TIME: Almanac 1990/1990 Time Magazine Compact Almanac, The (1991)(Time).iso/time/caps/20s/20tot

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The Totalitarians


  [The World War, and the destruction, disruption and shattering of
ideals that accompanied whole new political systems and organizations.
The abysmal conduct of the war by Imperial Russia led to the overthrow
of the Czarist autocracy and its replacement, first by an ineffectual
democratic regime and then in November 1917 by the triumph of Communist
Revolutionary Vladimir Lenin. The following years of "War Communism,"
with the widespread bloodshed of a civil war and the deprivation and
starvation caused by militant policies toward industry and the
peasants, impoverished Russia and struck fear in hearts across Europe.

  After the war's end, revolution and revolt shook many of the states
of Europe. Communist uprisings in Germany and Hungary were quickly put
down, but other movements professing quite different ideologies but
employing the same techniques came to power in Turkey and Hungary,
developed political clout in Austria and even got up a struggle in
Italy.

  Benito Mussolini, one-time Socialist Party leader and great admirer
of Lenin, nevertheless came to find National Socialism, with its deeply
emotional appeal to patriotism and the glorious and romantic past, its
love of flags, insignia, uniforms and action, more to his liking. The
Socialists had moved into the political vacuum that followed the war in
the impoverished, pitiably governed Italy of King Vittorio Emmanuel II,
pushing for labor reform and taking over local governments. Mussolini's
party, founded in 1921, formed action squads (Fasci di Combatimento)
that undid Socialist gains by force while the authorities looked the
other way. It culminated in the 1922 march on Rome by 40,000 Fascist
"blackshirts" and Mussolini's accession to national political power.
He played his cards skillfully and in the beginning, at least, avoided
most of the excesses of Leninism.]


                                                        (JULY 2, 1923)

 Proportional representation was introduced by Nitti four years ago.
Under that system a political party is entitled to as great a
percentage of seats in the Chamber of Deputies as its numbers bear to
the electorate; a party that gets 40% of the votes gets 40% of the
seats, etc. Italy has many political parties and under this system the
Catholic Party held the balance of power while the Fascisti and
Nationalist combined only held 50 seats out of 430.

  So Mussolini has decided that proportional representation is a good
thing, but only for the minority. He has proposed that Italy be
considered as a single district. The party getting the largest vote
gets two-thirds of the seats, the other third to be divided
proportionally among the other parties. Under this scheme, the Fascisti
Party might have only one-third of the votes, but get two-thirds of the
seats.


                                                   (DECEMBER 24, 1923)

 All Italy resounded with rumors as the reasons which induced Signor
Benito Mussolini to suspend the Parliamentary session. It was stated
that the King had refused Mussolini's demand for the extension of his
dictartorship. This rumor, as were most of the others, was speedily
denied. Mussolini made a great secret of his future plans.

  That Premier Mussolini contemplated ending the dictatorship and
risking his power upon the decision of the electorate, is meaningless.
Fascism as a political theory is not really popular in Italy, but the
Fascisti with Mussolini at their head are at the zenith of their
popularity. The difference is that their means of acquiring power have
not been condoned by a large number of Italians; but that the results
obtained by them, from almost every point of view, have been deserving
of unstinted praise from the nation. By virtually discarding the
outward accoutrements of his dictatorial power, Mussolini can disarm
his opponents while holding their favor, and so overshadow the
Giolittists and the Radicals. As for the Catholic Party, it was thought
likely that they will support the Fascisti, the resignation of Don
Sturzo pointing to the contrary.


                                                    (JANUARY 14, 1924)

 The fullpowers which made Premier Benito Mussolini Dictator of his
country, came to an end with the passing of the old year.

  Did the people cheer and clap? No! There was little enthusiasm and
much dread evinced at the thought of a return to parliamentary
government. Thousands of people in thousands of letters and telegrams
urged the Premier to "carry on" as Dictator.

  Benito remained silent ad inscrutable.


                                                      (APRIL 14, 1924)

 The first election under the new electoral law took place on April 6.
There was no doubt of the outcome. The Facisti won. Two days before the
election, Benito, who cast the first vote in Milan, issued a bulletin
to his Fascisti:

  "Blackshirts, you can have faith in me as the inflexible, severe,
implacable defender of our revolution. I say to you, defend what you
have already helped me to achieve by participation now, even if
shedding your blood is necessary. We will begin again toward a second
victory."

  Fascisti lists of candidates named 356 men, the precise maximum of
Deputies any party can get into Parliament under the new law.
Comparatively little violence was reported. Opposition spellbinders
were moved on by the police...All voters received the following letter
from the Fascisti:

  Dear Friend:

  We notice that you have not voted yet, and as we would be sorry if
your name should be included among those who have abstained, we beg
you to go and vote at once without waiting for the last minute.
Feeling certain that we have done you a favor in thus recalling you to
your duty, we cordially salute you.

  Thus gently reminded of their civic duty and the Fascist cudgels and
castor oil, panic stricken electors rushed to the polls to "vote the
right way." More than 6,000,000 voters--over 50% of the electorate--
turned out--a high record for Italy.


  [This relatively amiable modus operandi came to an end after the
kidnap-murder in 1924 of Giacomo Matteotti, millionaire Socialist
deputy and prominent opponent of Fascism. As weeks, then months passed
without action against Matteotti's killers, the level of political
noise and violence rose steadily.]

                                                        (JULY 7, 1924)

   The black shirt, it has been frequently alleged, was adopted by the
Fascisti on account of its utilitarian color. Premier Benito
discovered, however, that certain kinds of spots show up most plainly,
and to the quiescent but intense discomfiture of thousands of Fascisti,
he ordered the first general wash of black shirts. The stain which
Benito was endeavoring so nobly to remove from the Black Shirts (the
Fascisti) was made by the supposed murder of Deputy Giacomo Matteotti
by some Fascisti.

  The whole story has now come to be known as the "Matteotti Affair,"
and with that affair Benito was over-busy during the past week. With
angry shouts from the Opposition ringing in his ears, with the stench
of political dissatisfaction offending his nostrils and with sympathy
paraded for Matteotti torturing his vision, Benito set to work to clear
up the situation in his own terse way. He made the following speeches:

  At a Council of Ministers, he referred to his decision to remain in
office and added: "I believe that in that way I will best serve the
interests of Italy, which must be preserved from the shock and unrest
which would certainly accompany a Cabinet crisis at this moment."
Benito's speech was to the effect that he saw no reason why the Fascist
Government should resign because it had suffered from the regrettable
Matteotti affair.

  The parties of the Opposition were not to be quieted by Benito's
promises of reform. They met in plenary session to damn Fascicmo, to
lay the blame for the Matteotti affair at the door of the government,
to demand the abolition of Fascist militia, to ask in veiled language
for Benito's resignation, to state that they would not attend
Parliament again "as long as the present conditions prevail."


                                                    (JANUARY 12, 1925)

   It was clear that the Government was sick to death of the
Opposition's attacks, that the Opposition was weary of the Government's
talk without action, that the Italian people were fed to the teeth with
both the Government decided on action. A rumor had reached it that its
enemies were arming. On that pretext, eleven newspapers were seized in
Rome, Milan, Turin; many homes of prominent Opposition leaders were
searched.

  There followed savage attacks by Communists upon Fascisti all over
the country. In 48 hours, 17 people were hurt, 5 mortally wounded, 3
killed. Premier Mussolini appealed for order.

  The blazing fires of Mussolini's wrath were kindled. At the re-
opening of the Chamber of Deputies, the Premier appeared as a man
possessed with the devil. The Government benches resounded with the
thumps from his large, white hands. His heavy face was red with fury,
his eyes flashed like a thousand daggers in the sunlight, his voice
sounded like the bellow of a bull as he turned toward the Fascist
deputies and roared:

  "The Opposition described us as an army of bandits encamped in Italy.
We have swallowed their insults and allowed them to call us brigands
and assassins. Now before the Chamber, before the whole nation and
before God I alone assume full personal, political, moral and
historical responsibility for everything that has occurred in Italy.
If Fascism is an association of malefactors then let it be known that I
am head of this association of malefactors."

  The Premier then reminded the Chamber that the murder of Matteotti
had taken place after one of his (Mussolini's) greatest parliamentary
victories in which he had invoked the goddess of national conciliation.
"Even my enemies allow," he challenged, "that I am gifted with some
small amount of intelligence, with much courage and with supreme
disregard for filthy lucre. Please spare me the insult of believing me
so stupid as to have ordered that crime to be committed."

  "The Opposition believed that Fascism was dead because on some
occasions I have found it necessary to punish it. But let them remember
that if I had employed in enflaming Fascism a hundredth part of the
energy I have employed in restraining it, then indeed there would not
be one single enemy of Fascism from one end of Italy to the other."

  With a magnificent gesture the Premier ended his speech:

  "The Government, however, is sufficiently strong to destroy the
Aventine opposition entirely. I solemnly bind myself within 48 hours
of this speech to clear up the political situation."


  [It was No More Mr. Nice Guy: The Opposition press was banned, the
Opposition leaders sequestered on a remote island, the Matteotti trial
ended--more than 15 months later--in a whitewash. Mussolini began a
systematic assault on Italians' civil, political and economic rights.]

                                                    (OCTOBER 19, 1925)

  An agreement has been made between the Italian Confederation of
Industry (representing practically all Italian employees) and the
Confederation of Fascist Trade unions, to the effect that in all
employer-employee disputes the two Confederations are to regard each
other as having the sole right to represent respectively all Italian
employers and all Italian workingmen.

  By this agreement the Socialists, who for 30 years have assumed to
themselves the right to champion and defend the working class, are
ruled out of practically all labor disputes. The Fascists declare that
the measure will put an end to the Socialists' attempts to start a
Marxian class war, and will bring about the realization of the Fascist
ideal of class collaboration.

  The Mussolini Cabinet approved a bill providing that henceforth the
Mayor of Rome and the mayors of all Italian municipalities of less
than 5,000 inhabitants will be superseded by officers appointed by the
Central Government. The Fascisti assert that this "reform" is made
necessary by the fact that Italians are frequently swayed by passion
at local elections, and do not return to office such able men as the
Central Government would set over them.


                                                       (JULY 12, 1926)

  "I am like the animals. I can feel the future as it approaches. Some
instinct guides and warns me. My blood speaks! I must listen to my
blood."  Thus Signor Mussolini is wont to explain the promptings of his
extraordinary political intuition--promptings which he has ever
translated into action with disconcerting speed. Last week these
sanguinary omens may be presumed to have fired his brain afresh.

  I. Italian employers are empowered at once and until further notice
to lengthen the working day of their employees by one hour, while
paying them the same daily wage as heretofore.

 II. Italian newspapers are forbidden to print editions larger than
six pages, from which must be stricken all news of crime, sport, the
arts, literature. News of other nations than Italy must be cut to a
skeletonized resume.

III. After Nov. 1, all gasoline imported into Italy must be mixed with
a fixed proportion of Italian alcohol.

 IV. Builders are forbidden to erect luxurious private houses of any
sort, must confine themselves to public buildings and to dwellings for
workmen, the lesser bourgeoisie.

  V. Restaurateurs and vintners are prohibited from selling anything
after 10 p.m., from opening until further notice any new premises
whatever for the sale of food or beverages. All bread must hereafter
contain at least 15% of non-white flour.


                                                   (NOVEMBER 15, 1926)

  Premier Mussolini, apparently reacting to the seemingly boundless
devotion of his followers, called his cabinet together and issued a
series of decrees which the official Fascist press hastened to deplore
as "too mild."

  Decrees Summarized: 1) The Premier will appoint from the fascist
militia the personnel of courts martial which will hereafter deal
according to wartime military law with all who are charged with
"political crimes"; 2) The death penalty (heretofore abrogated) will
be revived in the case of traitors, rebels and persons who attempt the
life of the Premier, King or Crown Prince; 3) Further curtailment of
the already drastic restrictions on Italian emigration passports,
which now make it virtually impossible for others than Fascists to
leave the country; 4) Dissolution of all parties opposed to Fascism,
and suspension of all opposition newspapers; 5) Creation of a special
Fascist political police, virtually a Tsarol "Cheka."

  Premier Benito Mussolini took over one more cabinet post (his
seventh), the Ministry of Interior, last week, in order that he might
personally control the new campaign against his adversaries, a major
part of which will fall within the scope of this department.


                                                         (MAY 2, 1927)

  What is the essential doctrine of Fascismo? It is direct,
constructive, continuous action by the People under the guidance of the
State. This gospel of action, dynamic, propulsive, was expounded last
week by Signor Benito Mussolini in a great document designed as the
ground plan on which the new social order must arise. Fascists hailed
the proclamation as their Charter of Labor, as the first magna charta
guaranteeing to a people not rights but duties...

  Substitute "work" for "duties" and the meaning gradually unfolds. Man
does not want to labor; but, since he must, it is a kind of boon to
guarantee him the certainty of work to do.

  "We must abandon the great phrase of Liberty," said Dictator
Mussolini years ago, and added, "Fascismo has already stepped, and, if
need be, will quickly turn around to step once more over the more or
less putrid body of the Goddess Liberty."

  In a word, all bargaining between employer and employed will be
collective by compulsion, with the people (represented by the State) as
compulsory arbiter.


  [Looking back from the 1980s at Italian Fascism, it is easy to
under-estimate Mussolini and remember only the grotesque caricature of
the  World War II years. But in the 1920s he was a formidable and
widely feared force in European affairs, despite the fact that his
brand of National Socialism seemed to be composed more of rhetoric and
real-politik than ideology; he was admired by many for having mobilized
the energies of the once lackadaisical Italians and "having made
the trains run on time."]